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The Classification of Chinese Adverbials, Interrupted Scopes and the Nature of Minimality in Non-movement Dependencies

出版	University of Wisconsin--Madison, 2017
URL	http://books.google.com.hk/books?id=UEAQnQAACAAJ&hl=&source=gbs_api

註釋This thesis investigates the nature and empirical domain of minimality via Chinese adverbial modifiers. Two types of minimality are examined in this work. First, by reporting a novel interaction pattern that a preverbal adverbial class is not allowed when its post-verbal counterpart has a higher scope, I argue that the phenomenon is explainable with minimality extended to non-movement dependencies, in compliance with some recent works to unify the theory of syntactic dependencies (e.g. Haegeman and Lohndal 2010, Zeijlstra 2010, Wurmbrand 2012, Larson 2014 among others). Evidence provided for this in-situ minimality approach includes the fact that the preverbal subject-and object-depictives which are of the identical syntactic form with preverbal adverbials are yet not allowed post-verbally, and the fact that Chinese resultatives are not restricted by Direct Object Constraint (Levin and Rappapport 1995) as observed in Li (1999). The second type of minimality reported in this thesis bears on the interaction among the preverbal adverbials, that is, a higher class blocks a lower class with wh-form regardless whether the higher one is itself compatible with wh-form or not, an unexpected fact for Li, Shields and Lin's (2012) Potential Movability Condition and Chomsky's (1995) Minimal Link Condition. This indiscriminate blocking phenomenon is especially unpredictable given Huang's (1982) covert movement approach for wh-adjunct plus Potential Movability Condition. Linking this to the fact that wh-adverbials can occur inside islands while still producing a wide scope interpretation, I claim that there is no covert wh-movement in Chinese, which in turn makes movability irrelevant for evaluating the dependency of a base-generated operator and the in-situ wh-expression in Chinese. Ultimately, a non-movement "bipartite" model of minimality is proposed by incorporating another factor influencing the actual form of minimality--the internal homogeneity of a dependency in the sense of Li (1990)