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Al-Farabi's Interest in Politics and Shìism
註釋The purpose of this thesis is to isolate and discuss thoroughly and systematically al-Farabi's interest in politics in relation to political Shi'ism. My main focus will be on arguing against Richard Walzer's heavily Shi'ite-laden interpretation of al-Farabi. I have chosen Walzer because he is one of the foremost authorities on al-Farabi and because his interpretation of al-Farabi's political works have had a wide impact on the way this philosopher is read. Although Walzer's reading of al-Farabi is influential, many writers disagree with him. In substantiating my argument, I will be discussing the work of some of these scholars. In particular I will refer to Muhsin Mahdi's, Tarif Khalidi's, F.M. Najjar's, and Charles Butterworth's contributions to the subject matter. These authors seem to be in agreement with E.I.J. Rosenthal who was the first to argue that al Farabi was a political quietist, and not a militant Shi'ite sectarian as Walzer contends. I shall argue that al-Farabi was most probably a practitioner of taqiyyah, and as such an advocate of political passivism. In order to support my claim, I will differentiate between esoteric (batiri) and exoteric (zahir) doctrines as well as between taqiyyah and ta 'bi 'a. Once these concepts have been clarified, the road is paved ahead for contending that al-Farabi, the Twelver Shi'ite, is a political passivist in line with the stipulations of the taqiyyah practice. In chapter I, I will discuss al-Farabi's views on metaphysics, as well as, on political science; his portrayal of man as a political animal; his classification of societies/states; his 'anatomical theory* and its Aristotelian/Platonic source. Then, in chapter II, I will try to shed some light on al-Farabi's concept of the Virtuous City and its 'opposite' forms keeping his practical-political intents or lack of them the focal point of the discussion. Afterwards, I will discuss al-Farabi's qualifications of the first and second rulers and how they fare with Plato's and those of the Islamic tradition. Finally, in chapter III, I will go back to address in detail the bulk and parcel of the thesis, namely, the issue of al-Farabi's 'theoretical or practical interest in politics' with the purpose of establishing that al-Farabi as a practitioner of taqiyyah was most likely a political passivist.